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Whether they work in the creative or service sector is beside the point. Looking for other ways to measure the distinguishing characteristics of the new-economy cities, Florida developed a so-called Bohemian Index, which counted the number of artists, writers, and performers in a city. Then he decided he could infer just what it was about these cities that helped power this growth. After the book came out, the problem kept getting worse. But they cannot be easily divided into those who are creative and those who are not. After all, if New York can flourish with its high tax rates, and Austin can boom with its heavy regulatory environment and limits on development, any city can thrive in the new economy. Among large cities, those that lost the most population over a ten-year period were the highest-taxing, biggest-spending cities in America, with per-capita taxes 75 percent higher than the fastest-growing cities. In Pittsburgh, another place that fears it lacks appeal among talented young people, officials want to build bike paths and outdoor hiking trails to make the city a magnet for creative workers. Understanding that thinking is an important part of starting to realise that we cannot go on like this. Other inconsistencies abound. In his popular book The Rise of the Creative Class, which just appeared in paperback after going through multiple hardcover editions, Florida argues that cities that attract gays, bohemians, and ethnic minorities are the new economic powerhouses because they are also the places where creative workers—the kind who start and staff innovative, fast-growing companies—want to live. As Florida tells us repeatedly, these cities spend money on cultural amenities and other frills, paid for by high taxes, while restricting growth through heavy regulation.

Terry Nichols Clark of the University of Chicago used Florida's own data to question the correlation between the presence of significant numbers of gay men in a city and the presence of high-technology knowledge industries.

Can prosperity be far behind?

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By some measures, social mobility is lower in the US than in any other affluent country in the world. But Florida rarely lets basic economic data get in the way of his theories.

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For many small, post-industrial cities without assets like big tech companies and universities, no amount of creative-class marketing would turn things around. Welcome to Houston! Unlike Brooks, who gently satirizes these bobos, Florida regards them as a powerful and admirable new capitalist class that state and local policymakers should court enthusiastically. These examples only accentuate what is otherwise obvious: that there is little evidence that people or businesses set much store on what Florida is prescribing. If it is not working for Berlin, it is hard to see how it could work for Flint. It was followed by a "prequel", Cities and the Creative Class, which provided more in-depth data to support his findings. But cities that operate this way can hardly be called talent magnets or economic engines, because the U. Florida's theory asserts that metropolitan regions with high concentrations of technology workers, artists, musicians, lesbians and gay men, and a group he describes as "high bohemians ", exhibit a higher level of economic development. Other inconsistencies abound.

On a new index he's put together that ranks cities according to their levels of economic segregation and inequality, he says, Houston ranks third. As Florida tells us repeatedly, these cities spend money on cultural amenities and other frills, paid for by high taxes, while restricting growth through heavy regulation.

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For many small, post-industrial cities without assets like big tech companies and universities, no amount of creative-class marketing would turn things around. In Pittsburgh, another place that fears it lacks appeal among talented young people, officials want to build bike paths and outdoor hiking trails to make the city a magnet for creative workers.

First, he assumed that there was some causal connection linking all of these indexes to economic growth.

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With fame and commercial success came a backlash. He paints a picture of Berlin that is decidedly Floridian: "Berlin's well-established progressive attitudes, gritty but interesting architecture, and tormented history inspire a feeling of experimentation that some say is reminiscent of New York in the The views expressed herein are solely those of the author and d

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The Curse of the Creative Class